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How to Resist Marxist Bullying Tactics

John Weaver | YouTube

Lecture MetadataDetails
SpeakerJohn Weaver
SourceYouTube
Media IDLDW3qLCp2ds
SubjectNew Testament Studies
CourseRomans-Related Topical Applications
GenreSermon
Date2024-05-24
Dictation Name
BookBook 138: Romans-Related Topical Applications — Chapter 9
Source Timed Segments78

Synopsis: John Weaver presents a lecture by Pastor Peter Hammond on resisting Marxist bullying tactics, drawing from his extensive experience in South Africa. Hammond argues that strength is respected and weakness despised by Marxists, and that one must never bow to bullies. He shares personal stories of confronting communists, including preaching to enemy soldiers in Angola and debating Nelson Mandela. The lecture emphasizes the importance of standing firm, the dangers of appeasement, and the need to smash cultural Marxism. Hammond also discusses the Cape Independence movement and provides resources for further study.


Formatted Transcript

Introduction: The Principle of Resistance

Hammond states that resistance is respected and weakness is despised by Marxists, citing examples from BLM riots and police responses.

How to resist Marxist bullying tactics. This is something we have a lot of experience with in South Africa. How to resist Marxist bullying tactics. Resistance is respected. Weakness is despised. There is nothing the communists respect more than strength. There is nothing they despise more than weakness. Just think of what you've seen in recent days at Columbia University in New York City. Weakness is despised. And you saw during the BLM, burn, loot, murder riots in America, and Antifa has shown you how this works. They despise weakness.

Never Bow to Bullies

Hammond emphasizes never giving Marxist bullies an inch, drawing from his experiences in war-torn Rhodesia and communist countries.

Never bow to bullies. In my experience, it's absolutely essential that you never give Marxist bullies or mobs one millimeter. If you give them an inch, they will take a mile. You give them your finger, they'll take your arm. Being brought up in war-torn Rhodesia and experiencing terrorism and revolution, and working in war-torn communist Angola and Mozambique, being imprisoned in communist Zambia and Mozambique, and in so many other cases I've seen, the more steadfastly and strongly you stand, the better.

Colonel Jan Breitenbach and Frontline Fellowship

Hammond recounts the story of Colonel Breitenbach, a legendary South African soldier who joined his mission and preached to communists in Angola.

The moment the Marxists sense weakness, fear, or compromise, they smell blood, and they will only howl for more, and they'll escalate their unreasonable demands. One of the members of Frontline Fellowship was Colonel Jan Breitenbach. He is a South African legend. Colonel Jan Breitenbach was the founder of the South African Reconnaissance Commando. He was one of our first paratroopers as well, parabats, 1961. He was involved in 64 different conflicts and battles. He was involved in the largest airdrop combat operation in South African history. And not since the Second World War have so many paratroopers been dropped at one place in Africa.

And that was the Battle of Cassinga in 1978. He led a South African paratrooper assault on the enemy headquarters in Angola. And Colonel Breitenbach is visible in the middle there with some of his troops during the raid. And these are some of South African paratroopers who'd flown into Angola to destroy the SWAPO terrorist base in Angola. This has been put in book format, Eagle Strike, by Colonel Jan Breitenbach. He also flew into Angola during the Angolan Civil War, and behind enemy lines recruited thousands, over 3,000 black Portuguese-speaking ex-communists, recruited in the South African army, forged them in battle in 32 Battalion, Buffalo Battalion, with their distinctive camouflage hats. And they were forged in battle and 32 Battalion became some of South Africa's most elite infantry unit. They lost more men in combat and killed more enemy than all the other infantry battalions combined. And so these were the so-called Buffalo soldiers of 32 Battalion, a very elite fighting unit and 32 Battalion was recruited by Colonel Breitenbach. Colonel Breitenbach was an extraordinary person.

And this is Colonel Eddie Viljoen, one of his successors who I've met as well, who ran the units after him. And it's hard to believe that we used to have units like this. When Colonel Breitenbach retired from the Army, he joined Frontline Fellowship. And when I got his application in the mail, I literally fell on my knees next to my desk and just prayed, Lord, give me wisdom. What do you do when one of your greatest military legends joins your little missionary unit? And Colonel Breitenbach worked throughout the border, ministering the gospel to soldiers in the combat areas, traveling in vehicles like this on areas where landmines were the national plant. And this armored vehicle of South Africa's detonated a triple-decker anti-tank mine. So that armor plating didn't protect them. The people in that cabin were dead. So even though you're in an armored vehicle, traveling in these areas, that doesn't necessarily guarantee that you'll survive a landmine. Well, in the early days of Frontline Fellowship, we worked throughout the South African Army and Southwest African Territorial Force. I preached at least 1,200 times in chaplain services, meetings all over Southwest Africa, what today is Namibia and Angola, and having Bible study and prayer meetings with them.

This was often accommodation at night, a ground sheet as our only protection from the rain, and our ration pack and water bottle. And this was the way I normally started my day. And that's not coffee or tea in my mug. That would normally be water with a vitamin drink. That's been my standard for a long time. Our 5.56 millimeter, I think you know them as the Galil. South Africa produced them in cooperation with Israel. And Colonel Breitenbach speaking to some of the military in the briefing room. The sand in front of us is where they would often make up the operational map of this is the place we're going to attack or this is the situation. So they'd work it out in the sand or build little models. One of our bomb shelters, holding a prayer meeting and Bible reading, one of the halls for meeting with the soldiers, lectures and preaching, preaching in the rain to the soldiers up at the frontier on the border. Colonel Breitenbach was a legend to go around, and the South African soldiers just were in awe of him. He's the most combat-decorated experienced soldier in South African history. We had the opportunity of preaching to tens of thousands of soldiers throughout the border areas. Well, at one point, I woke up one morning and Colonel Breitenbach in the sleeping bag opposite me said, Peter, let's go to Angola, let's preach to the communists. And so we crossed the border into communist Angola, and it was during a ceasefire, but we were going to go and preach to the enemy.

And this is one of the times this Colonel Breitenbach next to me with his arms behind his head, and there were Marxists all around us, we had Cubans, all kinds of communist weaponry surrounding us. And we had a 32 Battalion soldier who came along as our translator to translate into Portuguese, so the enemy could hear what we were saying. And Colonel Breitenbach stood up and he said, I'm Colonel Jan Breitenbach of 32 Battalion. My men and I, we've killed thousands of you communists, thousands. We never had any trouble killing you. Our problem was catching you. You ran so fast, you broke Olympic records running away from the fight. Even when you outnumbered us, 10 to 1, 100 to 1, you still fled like the spineless, yellow-bellied cowards you are. Why are you so afraid of fighting? You're afraid to die. You should be afraid to die.

If you knew what was waiting for you one second on the other side of the grave, he said, your God is Karl Marx. Your religion is atheism. Your commissars are the priests of Satan. You're damned, you're doomed, you're lost, you're going to burn in hell forever. If you knew what was waiting for you on the other side of the grave, you'd crawl across the minefield and beg 32 Battalion to show you the way of salvation of Jesus Christ. I'll never forget that sermon. I mean, that's Colonel Breitenbach at his best. And he fought, he preached like he fought, straight for the enemy. And the enemy was so shocked by this, my hand went to my 9mm on my hip. I thought, the colonel wants a short way to glory. I didn't think I'd see the sunset that day. And yet the combatants are standing around holding their AKs, their PKMs, their RPGs. And I thought they'd do something, but they just stood there absolutely riveted, listening to what the colonel had to say. And I stood up and I preached to him too. I said, you say you don't believe in God, but you spend so much time fighting God. You know there's a God.

Confronting Nelson Mandela

Hammond describes his march against Mandela's secular policies, his meeting with Mandela, and their debate on abortion and communism.

This constitution must be based upon the law of God. Constitution upon God's Word, or God's Law. And the people protested that they were trying to kick out acknowledging Almighty God from a Constitution. Cyril Ramaphosa was the Chairman of the Constitutional Assembly, and they were trying to write a new Constitution, and they had kicked out God. They were kicking out sanctity. They were going to legalize pornography, blasphemy, prostitution, all these evils, legalize abortion. So we marched upon, we protested.

I read out a memorandum against this. And interesting, first time I met Cyril Ramaphosa. Cyril Ramaphosa was pushed out the door and he came to us with big, wide eyes. I mean, he looked terrified. They'd never seen such a large march before, and I think they were afraid. I was told later by people inside Parliament, the ANC thought their days had come to an end, that they were going to be hanging from the lamppost by the end of the day. And of course, Christian protesters don't behave like that. We had every intention of being peaceful. We didn't break anything. And so Cyril Ramaphosa is standing at the foot of the little ladder leading up to our back of a pickup truck, which is our platform for speaking. And he's looking around. He saw a Zulu friend of mine, Fana Sibisi, and he said, brother, can I borrow your Bible? Now, Fana Sibisi had a leather-bound Bible that my father-in-law had bought for him in Arizona and actually had engraved in gold, Reverend Fana Sibisi on the cover. So without waiting for an answer, Cyril Ramaphosa grabs Fana Sibisi's Bible, goes up the ladder onto the platform, and he starts off by lifting up the Bible and saying, look, I'm also a Christian. See, I bring my Bible with me to Parliament every day.

That's the man who's now the President of South Africa. And Fana and I just swap expressions of, we knew he was lying, he knew that we knew he was lying, but most of the crowd did not. And you can tell when a politician is lying, can't you? His lips move. And when he dies, he lies still. Polytyx, poly, many, tyx, blood-sucking parasites. Polytyx, many blood-sucking parasites. Well, the crowd, unfortunately, was eating out of his hands within seconds. But I made a strong stand back to the Bible, and at this particular occasion, we had a man from the government, this chap here to my left, was from the presidency, and he said, President Mandela, Madiba, that's what they call him, Madiba, wants to see you on Tuesday. So this is, sorry, this is Tuesday, wants to see me on Thursday, two days' time, at the Groote Schuur Estate, the house that Cecil Rhodes built, which is the president's mansion in Cape Town. So, the first words Mandela said to me when I met him at his mansion was, what were you doing during the years of struggle?

Now, struggle is their words for the war. Not that it was a real war, it was more like terrorism, planting landmines, burning policemen, petrol bombs at night, you know, just terrorism. But, Mr. Hammond, what were you doing during the struggle? And my response was, fighting people like you, sir. And Mandela smiled and he laughed and he got up from his couch and he came over and he shook my hand again and he said, I'm so glad to meet an honest white man. All the other whites I've met have told me how they always opposed apartheid and were actually supporting me. So he said, I wondered how the National Party stayed in power for over 44 years, while all the whites actually opposed the National Party and supported me. My response was, well, make no mistake, Mr. President, we were not fighting for apartheid. We're fighting against communism, we're fighting against terrorism. His response was, apartheid is the greatest evil in the history of the world. So my response was, I cannot agree with you, Mr. President, that prize must go to your friends and your supporters, the communists.

He had just welcomed Fidel Castro, the longest-reigning dictator in the world, to South Africa and gave him the biggest award anyone could get in South Africa, and had him speak to our joint sitting of our Senate and our House of Parliament. So, joint sitting of the House, Castro got the privilege of speaking to them all. And Mandela was a long-standing friend of Castro, and not to mention all the other Marxists. So I then gave him a recounting of the atrocity of the Communists and said, that prize must go to your Communists. Your friends have littered the 20th century with over 160 million corpses, not foreign people killed in the time of war, but their own people, killed by their own governments in times of peace, as documented by Professor Rummel's Death by Government and The Black Book of Communism, which was written by ex-communists using Communists' own files and records. Over 66 million people were slaughtered under Communism in the Soviet Union, under Lenin, Stalin, Brezhnev, Khrushchev. And another 69 million slaughtered in Red China, under Mao Tse-Tung.

And I went through a whole list of Castro, Pol Pot, Cambodia, the whole, sorry, even Mengistu in Ethiopia who had killed millions, and who was a friend and being hosted by Mandela at that very moment, who is wanted for genocide by the International Court of Justice, but Mandela was protecting him in South Africa at that time. So I rattled through a few of these facts. And in fact, there's no doubt the communists have murdered more Christians in the 20th century than any other, even more than the Muslims have. And that's the reality. We were, when I want to talk about apartheid, well, remember, the context was the Soviet Union in the Cold War. We were seeking to defend our country against communism. And so I just remind him of some of these facts. And because he was silent, I just carried on working my way through some of the facts. But just look at all the countries that fell to communism from the First World War, Versailles Treaty, and then, of course, at the end of the Second World War and how under Ronald Reagan, praise God, we had a precipitous drop of communist countries in the world because of America resisting communism for a

change after all the craven cowardice and treachery of the Jimmy Carter years and so on. Well, Mandela then said, when I was a prisoner of the Boers, they would not allow me to wear sunglasses. Now, my response was, well, sir, my eyes are also very sensitive and I can understand how unpleasant and uncomfortable it must be. I'm sure you'll agree that hardly compares with the atrocities documented by Alexander Solzhenitsyn in the Gulag Archipelago. And by the way, here's a picture of Nelson Mandela with his sunglasses. He claims that the Boers never allowed him to wear sunglasses, but there's a picture given in the Nelson Mandela Museum, going to Robben Island, where you pilgrims have gone to burn incense in his cell and things like that. He also said that the Boers never allowed him to wear long trousers. Well, here we've got photographic proof that they did.

So maybe he's talking about the first few months, but it's not accurate. And also, here's a picture of Nelson Mandela in Addis Ababa being trained as a terrorist by the Cuban DGI. And apparently, even Che Guevara was part of his trainers. The man was a well-known terrorist. He trained in Algeria. So at one point, Mandela expressed the surprise that we were wanting to restrict the rights of women by opposing abortion. He was championing legalization of abortion at that moment.

So I responded, Mr. President, you are questioning the Christianity of people who 40 years ago justified apartheid. It will not be 40 years from now people will question your humanity for legalizing abortion. You're seeking to replace apartheid with abortion. And abortion is worse than apartheid. It's not just restricting the area a person lives or giving them separate beaches or separate cinemas or restaurants, but it's not just restricting their right to vote. It's taking away their life before they get to breathe their first breath of air. Abortion does not just place the baby on a separate voter's roll or restrict where they can live or swim. Abortion takes the baby's life. Life begins at conception. Abortion is the violent taking of an innocent life. Every abortion stops a beating heart. And I then said to him, abortion is the worst type of apartheid. It separates a baby from its mother and from its life support. At its most crucial stage of development, you're seeking to replace discrimination on the basis of race with discrimination on the basis of age.

Well, we went back and forth like a tennis match. And at the end of the hour, Nelson Mandela stood up and told us, you can now take your pictures.

Dealing with Marxists in Parliament

Hammond shares his confrontational approach when questioned in Parliament about his military service, calling ANC members terrorists.

Sir Fundus, who later was not tried. He was put into insane asylum and released later in life when Mandela came to power. So because he was not tried, not judged fit to try, the evidence didn't come out that Haunt was a communist who was expelled from the country, working in Parliament as a messenger, that he had the right to access, right of the promise, and he stabbed him to death. Interestingly enough, according to Stephen Mitton Goodson's book on Hendrik Verwoerd, this Zafandas was a victim of MK Ultra, and the same people who assassinated you, or John F. Kennedy, were involved in the assassination of our Prime Minister, Hendrik Verwoerd, who also was planning to abolish our South African Reserve Bank, which isn't South African, has no reserves, and isn't a bank. And so, interestingly, there were two assassination attempts on our Prime Minister Verwoerd, and both men were judged insane, and both men were being cared for by the very same Communist Party member, psychiatrist.

No conspiracy to see here. So, I was in Parliament and after the presentation ANC MP said, have you ever apologized for what you did in the South African Defence Force? So I answered, are you wanting me to apologize for what I did in the South African Defence Force? I'm sorry we didn't kill all of you. You were not freedom fighters, you're terrorists. You didn't attack our military bases, you attacked civilians, black civilians. You burned over 1,000 black South Africans with a brutal necklace murder. You burned Indonesia town councilors, mayors.

You planted landmines in dirt roads. You killed whole families. You planted landmines in roads leading to schools. You killed schoolchildren coming in school buses on the way to school. This used to be a Kombi or a van. Can you imagine? You kidnapped young children from schools. You took them across the border to brutalize them and train them for your terrorist groups. You murdered many. You raped the girls.

You threw hand grenades through the windows into black policemen's homes at night. You petrol bombed the homes of black town councillors and mayors. You used car bombs, limpet mines. You blatantly targeted civilians. You are hypocrites, like the Church Street bombing, which the IRA, by the way, helped them to plan, murdered huge amounts of people. I mean, this is the Church Street bombing in Pretoria, 1983. And we had to have signs like this all over our shopping centers for people to recognize these weapons.

All Soviet bloc produced in Russia or China. And the kind of landmines, grenades, limpet mines, these were the tools of terror, as documented by Henry Pike's book, A History of Communism in South Africa. So I continued my rant in Parliament. You speak against racism, then you laugh and applaud and give standing ovations to the worst racist on the planet today, Robert Mugabe, dictator of Zimbabwe. And here's a picture of Robert Mugabe's police whipping black Christians in the main street of Harare, which is Samora Machel Avenue. They're having a prayer march for peace. They're getting whipped and beaten. These are women praying for justice outside a government home, I think this is Home Affairs, getting beaten by the police. This is Zimbabwe. And this is freedom and liberation for black people in Zimbabwe under Mugabe. You have no right to ever again speak against racism when you so obviously applaud, endorse, and enthusiastically practice racism. I'm sorry we ended the war before thoroughly and completely eradicating all of you communists.

Now there's a stunned, awkward silence for a time, then the chairman said, right, let us move on to our next point. They never brought up the subject again. That is the only way you can deal with Marxists, with guilt manipulators, with gaslighters and thugs and terrorists. There is nothing they respect more than strength, there's nothing they despise more than weakness. Napoleon observed he could not believe the foolishness of King Louis XVI in not ordering his men to open fire on the mob. This is what he did on the 5th of October, 1795, which led to Napoleon becoming leader in France and then the emperor. Napoleon Bonaparte was adamant you cannot reason with a mob. Throughout history it's been understood the only way to deal with arsonists and looters is to shoot them, which is what Napoleon did. He opened fire on the mob with artillery, gave them what he called the whiff of grapeshot. That's what ended the French Revolution and brought about the empire under Napoleon, because Napoleon said, you cannot reason with a mob.

There's not one innocent person in the mob. Shoot them all in the street. That's the end of it. You won't have another riot after that. Those who advise the police to stand back or stand down, bring the threats to life and property, they're unraveling the foundations of civilization. There can be nothing worse than mob rule anarchy. It used to be, if you loot, we shoot. And that's the only way to deal with looters.

Historical Lessons on Mobs and Anarchy

Hammond references Napoleon's use of force against mobs and argues that shooting looters is the only effective response.

Now there's a stunned, awkward silence for a time, then the chairman said, right, let us move on to our next point. They never brought up the subject again. That is the only way you can deal with Marxists, with guilt manipulators, with gaslighters and thugs and terrorists. There is nothing they respect more than strength, there's nothing they despise more than weakness. Napoleon observed he could not believe the foolishness of King Louis XVI in not ordering his men to open fire on the mob. This is what he did on the 5th of October, 1795, which led to Napoleon becoming leader in France and then the emperor. Napoleon Bonaparte was adamant you cannot reason with a mob. Throughout history it's been understood the only way to deal with arsonists and looters is to shoot them, which is what Napoleon did. He opened fire on the mob with artillery, gave them what he called the whiff of grapeshot. That's what ended the French Revolution and brought about the empire under Napoleon, because Napoleon said, you cannot reason with a mob.

There's not one innocent person in the mob. Shoot them all in the street. That's the end of it. You won't have another riot after that. Those who advise the police to stand back or stand down, bring the threats to life and property, they're unraveling the foundations of civilization. There can be nothing worse than mob rule anarchy. It used to be, if you loot, we shoot. And that's the only way to deal with looters.

The Agenda of Defunding Police

Hammond explains that defunding the police is a Marxist tactic to replace professional forces with revolutionary gangs, leading to gun confiscation and genocide.

You can't try and appease them, debate with them, argue with them. The burn loot murder plan to defund the police does not mean a police-free state, by the way, because Marxists want control. I've been to many communist countries in the world, they've all got police forces, and they've all got secret police forces. Just as a matter of example, under the Tsar of Russia, there was an average of 65 people executed every year for murder and assassinations and rape and so on. And he had a secret police that was about 3,000 strong. And under Lenin and Stalin, they had a secret police of 3 million, and they murdered an average of 150,000 a year. So that's the difference between oppression under the Tsar and liberation under the Commissar. So defund the police does not mean a future where there's no police. It means a future where Antifa are your police. The plan to defund the police and disarm the police and disband the organized professional police force, which is mostly conservative and generally pro-Trump, is just a beginning.

Because what they want is they want their warlords, their gangs to replace the existing professional police force with BLM Antifa revolutionaries in a police uniform. That's what defund the police means. It means revolutionize the police. Break down to build up better. Build back better. This would be followed by gun confiscations, and you know how that ends. Every genocide begins with gun control.

Now here's just a few pictures to show you how justice works in Africa. This is what happens after you've defunded the police. You've got a new form of tyranny, and this is the way the revolutionaries deal with their black civilians. See those people tied up by their ankles? And this is normal in Africa. The issue is never the issue. The issue is the revolution. Just take the French Revolution of 1789, and the Bolshevik Revolution of 1917, and the Cultural Revolution in China. How many more times must we see this agenda worked out before people understand what Curtis Bowers documented in his video Agenda, Masters of Deceit? The issue is never the issue. The issue is the revolution. They might use black-white. They might use bourgeois employees, employers. They might use the gender issue. They might be using black against white. But that's never the issue. That's just the pretext.

Resources and Cape Independence

Hammond promotes his mission's resources, including books and films, and discusses the Cape Independence movement seeking secession from South Africa.

This cancel culture is nothing other than cancel Christianity. Now, you will see on our website, FrontlineMissionSA.org, a lot of audiovisual resources, which will have screen captures on different lectures we've given, PowerPoints, links to our sermon audio, and our newsletters available, and a lot of articles from around Africa, in particular, where the church is being persecuted. We've got a From the Frontline podcast, where I tackle these things audio every week, and I've got a very few copies of the former Frontline book here, which is my testimony and that of our mission amongst the persecuted church. It gives the behind-the-news headline stories of what really happened in Africa. And one of the exciting things going on in South Africa right now is the Cape Independence movement. We are moving for secession. And I'm the chairman of the Cape Independence Forum. And we have marches for freedom, where we've got wide ranges of people marching through our city of Cape Town, calling for independence, here at the provincial legislature, protesting against what they're doing, marching through the streets, getting a lot of support from the local population to free the Cape, and Cape Independence, Cape Exit is one of our slogans.

You can see the new flags. In fact, I've brought here a flag of the Cape Independence Movement for Brother John, that you can have that as well as an example of what we stand for. We are producing a lot of books available free, electronically, online, that people can get. The real story is Soweto, right? Soweto, but God. How the Soviets and Cubans lost the war. The Chaplain's Handbook.

Q&A: South Africa's Fall and BRICS

Hammond answers questions about how South Africa fell to communism, the role of BRICS, and his imprisonments.

And our vision is Africa for Christ. Any questions? Comments, complaints, criticisms. How has South Africa turned over so easily it seems? Well, it wasn't easy. We fought very hard for decades. We endured international sanctions, boycotts. In fact, I don't know how many people can remember, but what you see on your campuses now with Free Palestine, your university campuses in the 80s were having those sort of same things on end apartheid in South Africa. Every university was disinvesting in companies that were trading with South Africa, and tremendous boycotts. And at one point, your Congress put sanctions on South Africa.

And President Ronald Reagan vetoed it. And then Congress, including a majority of your RINOs, so-called Republicans, joined in overturning Ronald Reagan's veto. And that included traitors in there, like, who was the Arizonan traitor, the maverick candidate? Yeah. McCain, he actually voted against President Reagan to bring sanctions on South Africa. Ronald Reagan's speech in 1987, I think it was, against the sanctions on South Africa was one of the best defense of South Africa ever heard. He explained the history, explained how South Africa is critical in fighting communism. We're a strategic country, Cape Sea route, and the minerals in South Africa are absolutely critical. Without minerals that South Africa is dominating the landscape with, minerals like chrome and manganese and copper, diamonds, but there's a whole lot of other minerals.

Only Russia and South Africa have a monopoly of many of these. He said, without the minerals you can get primarily from South Africa, we couldn't make refrigerators, air conditioners, or fighter planes, aircraft carriers. There's a lot of our strategic defense depends on the minerals that South Africa dominates the market on. And Ronald Reagan gave such a strong defense that, South Africa's defending the free world from communism and we need to support them.

So we fought, we fought long and hard. We killed vast amounts of communists defending our country. It was not easy, but we were infiltrated from within. And actually we were betrayed by the Broederbond, which is like the Freemasons of South Africa, who were definitely tied in with the Sabbateans, I'm sure. And they betrayed our country from within. So the National Party, which was our predominant party that dominated the landscape, they'd been in the government for the last 44 years. They said, vote National Party for a strong opposition to ANC. And then they handed over the country to the ANC. It's sort of like Woodrow Wilson. Woodrow Wilson kept us out of the war. Vote Woodrow Wilson for peace. Vote from 1916, he gets America involved in Europe's war in 1917. That's sort of treachery. So we face treachery in our country from politicians.

We can say, along with Ian Smith of Rhodesia, we were never beaten by our enemies. We were betrayed by our friends. And, sorry to say, we were betrayed by our own government, too, not just our friends. Yes? Has BRICS been a good thing for you all? BRICS? I think so. I think BRICS has been excellent because this Brazil, Russia, India, China, South Africa, BRICS, it's an alternative to the US dollar-dominated economics. But also Russia is more Christian. Russia is definitely putting more pressure to behave with South Africa. We know that Putin has spoken up for our farmers a few times when the government was talking about killing all the farmers. And so definitely that was a major positive step. Being in BRICS, we feel a lot safer because the US government did everything they could to betray South Africa. Do you know the US ambassador in South Africa in 1992, went on national TV in South Africa and said, if you don't vote for Mandela, America will do to you what we did to Iraq. And then just in case we didn't have imaginative memory, the screen was filled with missiles pouring out into Baghdad, explosions all of Baghdad, we will do to you what we did to Iraq.

And we were bullied, we were like, you know, I was part of the 650,000 white South Africans who voted no in the referendum on whether we give a blank check to the National Party government. And we were like, doesn't matter what the question is, the answer is no. And there's a whole lot of us who were against it. But is it acceptable for you as ambassador to interfere in the internal elections of another country? By the way, just the other day, I was in Indiana, and somebody said to me, but Vladimir Putin is a killer. And he's been involved in political assassinations. And I turned to the person and said, who do you think leads the world in political assassinations, and revolutions and coup d'états? Donald Trump once said to somebody who said, but Putin's a killer. He said, well, what do you call us?

We've killed a lot of people to talk about the US government. And I think that's relevant. Maybe you had a question. How long were you in prison, or banned from the country? Yeah, so Southwest Africa was the fifth province of South Africa. We treated it like part of South Africa. It had been German, Deutsch-Südwestafrika in the First World War, and South Africa invaded it as part of Britain's war plan.

And of course, Namibia had most of the world's diamonds, and so that fell under De Beers, which is the main girl. When the South African army came back from conquering Deutsch-Südwestafrika, they were given the freedom of the city in Kimberley, and the mayor, who was an Oppenheimer, said, you have now enabled us to dominate 80-something percent of the world's diamond industry. So the South African army was told they're going into Southwest Africa to stop the German shortwave radio program in a station in Lüderitz from helping the U-boats in the Atlantic. But once they got the place, apparently the main thing was the diamonds. And pretty interesting there. But when I was locked up, I was kicked out of Namibia. That was till they got the independence. I've been back since. But when I was locked up on imprisonments, it was a few weeks at a time.

16 days in Zambia, communist Zambia. Margaret Thatcher was Prime Minister of Britain, and she campaigned to get me out. Friends of ours had given her the details. And she confronted Kenneth Kaunda, the communist dictator of Zambia, who was imprisoning us, saying, who are you to talk about human rights abuses? You are the unelected dictator of one party state. You have four British missionaries being tortured, detained without trial by your security forces in Lusaka right now. And Kenneth Kaunda was knocked out.

I mean, the Iron Lady had won the debate, and he was there trying to humiliate her to put sanctions on South Africa. And we were the trump card. And when Kaunda got back to Zambia, the first words he said as he came off the stairs was, get those missionaries out of here. And so we were freed thanks to Iron Lady, which is quite a story. I've got that in the book on Behind Enemy Lines as well. But another imprisonment in Mozambique was another whole story in us. It was the year I got married. And my poor wife back home was the only one campaigning for our release. And she mobilized people to demonstrate outside Zambian embassies and Mozambique embassies in Washington and London.

Q&A: White Communities and Historical Grievances

Hammond discusses the success of Orania, a white-only Christian community, and the historical animosity between English and Afrikaans speakers.

And finally, we were let free through pressure there. So that's another story. Any other questions, comments, complaints? How many countries are on the continent? We have 55 countries in Africa, if you count some of the islands like Madagascar and Seychelles and so on. How many are communist? It used to be 13, but it's a lot less now. I think we're down to seven communist countries in Africa right now, and seven Muslim countries in the north of Africa, the majority Muslim, Arabic. The Muslims are mostly in northern Africa? Yeah, and communists are mostly in the south, sadly. Including South Africa, sadly, now.

So I'm now living behind enemy lines. Some of the whites have tried to go on their own. Is that successful in South Africa? They are super successful. So for example, Orania here, which is the oldest, they don't have power failures. They don't have crime. They don't need burglar bars. They don't need security gates. They don't need big fences and barbed wire around their properties, because it's a white-only, Christian-only community.

There's the Protestant Evangeliese Kerk is the sort of national church there. Orania is a thoroughly Christian community. They said the key thing is you don't bring in migrant labor. The white people living there must do all their own work, everything. They do the construction, they do the farming. But the good thing is they don't have crime. And the children are being taught enough for constant. They are Christian people. They celebrate Christian holidays.

And it's an anomaly in South Africa. No power failures, no crime, no litter. Well, the government would like to take them out, but they got grandfathered in at 1994, at their right, that's under the rights of self-determination. So they're going fine. There's a few other communities trying to get going, like Zuidland, and I'm visiting some of them. But that's not good enough long-term, because at some point the government could invade. And they will at some point, I'm sure, if they can, because once you've looted and broken everything else, you've got to then invade these sanctuaries. But that's why we want the Cape of Good Hope to be independent, and that's what we brought out this book, The Case for Secession, for. Any other questions, comments?

Now, in Orania, it's mostly Afrikaans people, of course, but they've invited me to be a guest speaker there because they say, you know, I'm like an English-speaking Afrikaner. But that comes from being Rhodesian. Of course, to the average Afrikaner, the British are the enemy. And the British did do a dirty on South Africa. Anglo-Boer war, concentration camps, killing the women and children, blowing up the farms, dynamiting the wells, wiping out millions of livestock, cattle, horses, sheep. The British were really brutal to the Boers. And so I remember one nice young girl that I went on a date with. I came back to her family, and they were shouting at her in Afrikaans, how can you bring this verdomde Engels, one bloody Engels, bloody rooinek here. And I knew enough Afrikaans to know what they were saying to her. And she could not continue to see me by order of her family, because I was English speaking. Even though she said, you know, Rhodesian, and he's on our side, but they thought like that.

My generation, that animosity has ended because we were on the border together against a common enemy. So a lot of my generation have lots of Afrikaans and English friends, no problem, because we learned there's a common enemy. We can't keep fighting the old Anglo-Boer war. My father said to me, my father fought all six years in the 8th Army in North Africa and Italy. My dad said, I'm ashamed that a son of mine has Afrikaans friends. And my brother said to me, I'm ashamed that a brother of mine has so many Afrikaans friends. And so it's both ways. You get that kind of hostility. I think we've overcome it now. There's a lot of Afrikaans and English working together for Cape Independence. And you've got to see the common enemy. We can't continue to let them divide us. Stephen Mitford Goodson also brought out a book on the genocide of the Boers. We documented that the Rothschild dynasty wanted to genocide the Boers to guarantee Rothschild control of the South African gold and diamonds.

And the British soldiers in Christmas 1901, they got a card and a hamper, a card signed by all three of the main Rothschilds worldwide, and a hamper with all sorts of good things, you know, from Christmas cake, cigars, tobacco, sweets, all sorts of good things, they're playing cards with personal things from the Rothschilds for what they were doing to help them. And I mean, if I was on a border in South West Africa, fighting Angola, I suddenly got a card from a Rothschild or Oppenheimer and saying thank you for your service, I'd be deeply concerned because I'm not there for them. But can you imagine, everyone in the British Empire who is fighting against the Boers, Australian, Canadian, New Zealander, they all got a card from the Rothschilds signed by all three with a hamper for Christmas.

That was very expensive and logistically challenging. 650,000 British troops in South Africa fighting 18,000 Boers, and the Rothschilds thanked them for their service. It's like Oppenheimer thanking the South African soldiers for conquering Deutsch-Südwestafrika so that they now controlled all the diamonds in the world. So, these are inconvenient facts. It sort of ruins a lot of the narrative.


Study Guide

Major Themes

Strength vs. Weakness

Summary: Marxists respect strength and despise weakness; appeasement only encourages further aggression.

Evidence: Hammond states, 'Resistance is respected. Weakness is despised. There is nothing the communists respect more than strength.'

Never Bow to Bullies

Summary: One must never give Marxist bullies any ground, as they will escalate their demands.

Evidence: Hammond says, 'Never bow to bullies... If you give them an inch, they will take a mile.'

Confronting Communism with the Gospel

Summary: Hammond and Colonel Breitenbach preached directly to communist soldiers, demonstrating boldness in the face of danger.

Evidence: Hammond recounts preaching to communists in Angola: 'I stood up and I preached to him too. I said, you say you don't believe in God, but you spend so much time fighting God.'

The Evil of Abortion

Summary: Hammond argues that abortion is worse than apartheid, as it takes innocent life.

Evidence: Hammond tells Mandela, 'Abortion is worse than apartheid... Abortion takes the baby's life.'

Marxist Deception and Gaslighting

Summary: Marxists use guilt manipulation and false narratives to advance their revolution.

Evidence: Hammond says, 'The issue is never the issue. The issue is the revolution.'

The Danger of Defunding Police

Summary: Defunding the police is a step toward revolutionary control and eventual genocide.

Evidence: Hammond explains, 'Defund the police does not mean a future where there's no police. It means a future where Antifa are your police.'

Betrayal by Political Leaders

Summary: South Africa was betrayed from within by politicians who handed power to the ANC.

Evidence: Hammond says, 'We were never beaten by our enemies. We were betrayed by our friends.'

Self-Determination and Secession

Summary: The Cape Independence movement seeks to free the Cape from communist rule.

Evidence: Hammond states, 'We are moving for secession. And I'm the chairman of the Cape Independence Forum.'

Key Arguments

Appeasement Encourages Aggression

Summary: Showing weakness to Marxists leads to escalated demands and violence.

Evidence: Hammond says, 'The moment the Marxists sense weakness, fear, or compromise, they smell blood, and they will only howl for more.'

Direct Confrontation Works

Summary: Hammond's bold preaching to communists and confrontations with Mandela and ANC MPs silenced opposition.

Evidence: After Hammond's rant in Parliament, 'there's a stunned, awkward silence for a time, then the chairman said, right, let us move on to our next point.'

Abortion is State-Sanctioned Murder

Summary: Hammond equates abortion with apartheid and argues it is a greater evil.

Evidence: Hammond tells Mandela, 'Abortion is the violent taking of an innocent life. Every abortion stops a beating heart.'

Marxists Use Pretexts for Revolution

Summary: Issues like race or gender are used as pretexts for the real goal of revolution.

Evidence: Hammond says, 'The issue is never the issue. The issue is the revolution.'

Defunding Police Leads to Tyranny

Summary: Defunding the police is a step toward replacing them with revolutionary forces and disarming the population.

Evidence: Hammond states, 'Defund the police does not mean a police-free state... It means revolutionize the police.'

Historical Precedent for Using Force Against Mobs

Summary: Napoleon's use of grapeshot against rioters is presented as the correct response to mob violence.

Evidence: Hammond says, 'Napoleon Bonaparte was adamant you cannot reason with a mob... Shoot them all in the street.'

South Africa's Fall Was Due to Internal Betrayal

Summary: The National Party and international pressure, including from the US, led to the ANC takeover.

Evidence: Hammond says, 'We were infiltrated from within... they betrayed our country from within.'

Christian Communities Can Thrive Through Separation

Summary: Orania's success as a white-only Christian community demonstrates the benefits of self-determination.

Evidence: Hammond says, 'Orania... they don't have power failures. They don't have crime.'

Scripture References

Romans 8:37

Context: Hammond quotes, 'We are more than conquerors through Him who loved us.'

James 4:7

Context: Hammond says, 'Submit to God. Resist the devil. He will flee from you.'

1 John 4:4

Context: Hammond says, 'Greater is He who is in you than he who is in the world.'

Historical References

Columbia University protests

Context: Hammond references recent protests at Columbia University as an example of weakness being despised.

BLM riots

Context: Hammond mentions the BLM burn, loot, murder riots in America as an example of Marxist tactics.

Battle of Cassinga (1978)

Context: Hammond describes Colonel Breitenbach leading a paratrooper assault on an enemy headquarters in Angola.

French Revolution (1789)

Context: Hammond references the French Revolution as an example of the revolutionary agenda.

Bolshevik Revolution (1917)

Context: Hammond references the Bolshevik Revolution as part of the pattern of communist revolution.

Cultural Revolution in China

Context: Hammond references the Cultural Revolution as another example of communist atrocities.

Napoleon Bonaparte's whiff of grapeshot (1795)

Context: Hammond recounts Napoleon using artillery against a mob to end the French Revolution.

Anglo-Boer War

Context: Hammond discusses British brutality against the Boers, including concentration camps.

Rothschild involvement in Boer War

Context: Hammond claims the Rothschilds thanked British troops for fighting the Boers to control gold and diamonds.

Assassination of Hendrik Verwoerd

Context: Hammond mentions the assassination of South African Prime Minister Verwoerd and alleged MK Ultra involvement.

Important Quotes

Resistance is respected. Weakness is despised. There is nothing the communists respect more than strength. There is nothing they despise more than weakness.

Significance: This is the core principle of Hammond's lecture, setting the tone for his confrontational approach.

Never bow to bullies. In my experience, it's absolutely essential that you never give Marxist bullies or mobs one millimeter. If you give them an inch, they will take a mile.

Significance: Hammond emphasizes the danger of appeasement, a recurring theme throughout his talk.

The moment the Marxists sense weakness, fear, or compromise, they smell blood, and they will only howl for more, and they'll escalate their unreasonable demands.

Significance: This explains why Hammond advocates for unwavering strength in the face of Marxist pressure.

The issue is never the issue. The issue is the revolution.

Significance: This encapsulates Hammond's view that Marxist tactics use various pretexts to achieve revolutionary goals.

You cannot reason with a mob. Throughout history it's been understood the only way to deal with arsonists and looters is to shoot them.

Significance: Hammond's endorsement of lethal force against rioters is a stark application of his resistance philosophy.

We were never beaten by our enemies. We were betrayed by our friends.

Significance: This quote reflects Hammond's belief that internal betrayal, not external defeat, led to South Africa's fall.

Discussion Questions

How does Hammond's principle of 'never bow to bullies' apply to modern cultural and political conflicts?

Context: Hammond argues that giving any ground to Marxists leads to escalated demands.

Is Hammond's confrontational approach to preaching the gospel in hostile environments biblically justified?

Context: Hammond and Breitenbach preached directly to communist soldiers, calling them cowards and sinners.

How should Christians respond to political leaders who promote policies contrary to biblical values, based on Hammond's example with Mandela?

Context: Hammond debated Mandela on abortion and communism, refusing to compromise.

What are the dangers of defunding the police, according to Hammond, and how should Christians think about law enforcement?

Context: Hammond claims defunding police leads to revolutionary control and genocide.

How does the concept that 'the issue is never the issue; the issue is the revolution' help us understand current social movements?

Context: Hammond argues that Marxists use pretexts like race or gender to advance revolution.

What lessons can be drawn from the success of Orania for Christian communities seeking to live according to their beliefs?

Context: Hammond describes Orania as a crime-free, Christian-only community.

How should Christians evaluate the role of international pressure and sanctions in South Africa's political transition?

Context: Hammond criticizes US sanctions and interference in South Africa's elections.

In what ways can Christians resist cultural Marxism without compromising the gospel?

Context: Hammond calls for smashing cultural Marxism and cancel culture.

Applications

Stand Firm in Faith

Summary: Christians must resist Marxist bullying by standing firm in their convictions and not compromising biblical truth.

Evidence: Hammond says, 'We need to stand up, step out, and fight the good fight of faith.'

Confront Evil Directly

Summary: Believers should boldly confront evil and preach the gospel, even in hostile environments.

Evidence: Hammond's example of preaching to communists in Angola demonstrates direct confrontation.

Defend the Unborn

Summary: Christians must oppose abortion as a grave evil and advocate for the protection of innocent life.

Evidence: Hammond's debate with Mandela emphasizes the sanctity of life from conception.

Support Law and Order

Summary: Christians should support professional police forces and oppose efforts to defund or disarm them.

Evidence: Hammond warns that defunding police leads to tyranny and genocide.

Pursue Self-Determination

Summary: Christian communities may need to seek self-determination or secession to preserve their faith and freedom.

Evidence: Hammond promotes the Cape Independence movement as a response to communist rule.

Educate Yourself on Marxist Tactics

Summary: Christians should study resources like 'Agenda: Masters of Deceit' to understand and resist cultural Marxism.

Evidence: Hammond recommends Curtis Bowers' video to expose the revolutionary agenda.

Build Christian Communities

Summary: The example of Orania shows the benefits of creating communities based on Christian principles and self-reliance.

Evidence: Hammond describes Orania's success in avoiding crime and power failures.

Pray for Leaders

Summary: Despite confrontation, Christians should pray for their leaders' repentance and salvation.

Evidence: Hammond prayed for Mandela to find peace in Christ and do what is right.

deepseek | deepseek-v4-pro | clean_readable_transcript | 2026-06-05T19:36:38Z

deepseek | deepseek-v4-pro | weaver_study | 2026-06-06T12:30:20Z